Few would argue that presidential policies and performance would have been the same whether John F. Kennedy or Richard Nixon became president in 1960, or if Jimmy Carter instead of Ronald Reagan had won the White House in 1980. Indeed, in recent elections, the character, prior policy experience, or personalities of candidates have played an increasing role in our assessments of their "fit" for the Oval Office. Further, these same characteristics are often used to explain an administration's success or failure in policy making. Obviously, who the president is-and what he is like-matters.This bo
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Abstract: Heiner Carow's Coming Out (1989) is unique as the first (and last) East German feature film to place a homosexual relationship front and center. Coming Out challenges the social and institutional attitudes and conventions of a heterosexist East German society. Taking seriously Carow's suggestion that cinema is a form of debate, this article explores through precise considerations of form and affect how the film sought to move a predominantly heterosexual audience emotionally as part of its project to meaningfully integrate the queer community into the social whole. I analyze the film's mood-rich disclosure of its world, the employment of melodramatic conventions, and the use of strategies that blend the diegetic world with extradiegetic reality. Through my analysis of Coming Out along both aesthetic and affective lines, I emphasize the film's value beyond its amply discussed representation of queer life in the GDR as an example of how cinematic affect operates politically through particular strategies unique to film form.
This article argues that increasingly widespread proliferation of nuclear and delivery system capabilities to smaller states represents a fundamental redistribution of power in the international system away from Great Power dominance — forever altering the traditional `power politics' relationship between states first described by Thucydides. Building upon the broader security studies literature, the rapidly evolving nuclear security relationships between states in the international system are discussed and a new theoretical framework for explaining them is proposed. This new framework outlines in detail several factors critical to shaping interstate security relationships: (1) the nuclear capabilities of the state (i.e., size, differentiation, range, and interceptibility of force structure); (2) the survivability of its arsenal (i.e., redundancy, mobility, site defense, subterfuge characteristics of forces); and (3) the credibility of its nuclear threat to the decision-makers in the target nation (i.e., perception by target of opponent's capability, survivability, control over situation, and threat to central/peripheral state interests). These characteristics combine to create a variety of nuclear security relationships between states (realpolitik, nascent/local, regional, and great power) which affect the deterrent ability, crisis stability, and available nuclear strategies of small nuclear states. Finally, both the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Gulf War are discussed in order to underscore the continuing evolution of Great Power-small state nuclear security relationships. In particular, the Gulf War is argued to provide strong support for the argument that future small nuclear states will be able to deter Great Power threats because of four critical lessons demonstrated by that conflict: (1) the effectiveness and survivability of covert nuclear weapons programs; (2) the effectiveness and survivability of small state delivery systems; (3) the ineffectiveness of strategic defense systems in intercepting potential attacks; and (4) the fact that threats of unconventional weapon use by small states are taken seriously by Great Powers.
Argues that the widespread proliferation of nuclear capabilities to smaller states represents a fundamental redistribution of power away from great power dominance; some focus on the Cuban missile crisis and the 1991 Persian Gulf war.
This Article explains that we need to acknowledge physicians' widespread involvement in ending patients' lives by a variety of means, from withdrawal of life-sustaining treatment to euthanasia. Our inquiry should move from appearance and professional acceptance of practices to the conditions under which society allows physicians to be involved in ending patients' lives.
Le Centre Technique de Coopération Agricole et Rurale (CTA) a pour tâche essentielle de l'information scientifique et technique au profit des États d'Afrique, des et du Pacifique, signatairesde la Convention de Lome. Les principaux domaines concernés sont les suivants la production vegetale, l'élevage, I'agroforesterie, la pêche, l'aménagement rural ainsi que les aspects socio-économiques. Le Centre aussi bien les résultats de recherche que l'expérience acquise dans les projets de développement. Dans le but d'aider les États ACP à améliorer leur potentiel de production animale, le a demandé au Dr. Preston de réaliser une qui fait l'objet de cette publication. Le abordé a une implication économique importante et il intéresse de nombreux pays. L'auteur propose une alternative aux grands elevages intensifs et avicoles, peu adaptés aux paysACP et souventtrop coûteux en aliments importés. propose des solutions permettant d'améliorer l'élevage en utilisant les ressources locales. Moins de dépendance vis vis des importations et une meilleure valorisation des potentialités nationales, tel est le principe défendu dans cet ouvrage. est en avec les politiques définies par les États Daniel Mba Directeur du CTA
